
Stability. It is not a word often associated with
banking in today’s economy. Yet stability is just
what The Provident Bank continues to provide
residents and businesses throughout New Jersey.
“We are celebrating our 170th
anniversary this year,” said Jean Quinn, vice
president of corporate communications at Provident.
“We’ve survived depressions and stock market crises.
We’re strong.”
Provident’s strength comes from
more than just its longevity, however. As a
community bank, Provident has long been committed to
personal banking.
“We consider ourselves a
relationship bank,” Quinn said. “We’re very good at
establishing and maintaining relationships. Our
branch managers are active in the community, they’re
out there meeting with Rotaries, attending
charitable events.”
This small bank mentality is
reflected in Provident’s lending practices.
Decisions are made locally by people familiar with
the area’s economic climate.
“When you apply for a loan, you
don’t have to wait days for an answer from someone
in another state,” Quinn said.
Someone in another state also
will not know a customer’s name, much less their
personal situation or that of their business.
Proximity and familiarity allows Provident to keep a
watchful eye on its customers and help them through
any difficult periods.
“We try to stay ahead of
problems,” Quinn said. “Provident holds on to the
majority of the mortgages we write. This allows us
to work with the borrower who is in trouble.”
Yet while Provident retains the
personal touch established in 1839 and nourished
throughout the decades since, it offers 21st century
products and services that today’s consumers demand.
Personal banking includes a full
menu of checking, savings, loan and investment
options.
Commercial customers are offered
a variety of flexible products designed to help them
grow their businesses, including BusinessAdvantageSM
checking, which offers 1000 no fee transactions per
month; Remote Deposit Capture, which cuts trips to
the bank; and Escrow Account Management, which was
built from the account holder’s perspective.
Provident even offers wealth management services
that allow customers to plan for tomorrow at the
same institution that helps them enjoy today.
Provident also recognizes that
not every member of the community is so fortunate
and is deeply entrenched in community outreach to
help those in need. The Provident Bank Foundation
has donated more than $11 million to local causes,
including education, the arts, health and wellness,
and recreation.
Provident employees are active in
Habitat for Humanity, Girl Scouts and Junior
Achievement, as well as food and coat drives, pet
adoption days and wellness offerings. The bank is
running a fundraiser to benefit the Community
FoodBank of New Jersey.
“A lot of these ideas come from
the branch managers,” Quinn said. “This is our way
of helping our community.”
A way of spreading stability.

In partnership with Junior
Achievement of New Jersey, 33 volunteers from The
Provident Bank, including President and COO Chris
Martin (middle row, right), recently visited with
students ranging from kindergarten through third
grade at Jersey City Public School #11 to teach
financial literacy.
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Inside Views

Never have so many depended on so few
Quite a few years ago I was
engaged in a lively discussion with one of my
closest friends and mentors over what is the fair
share for the rich to pay in taxes. With a graduated
tax system at both the state and federal level, the
wealthier you are the greater the percentage of your
income goes to paying taxes.
My friend thought that the amount
of income tax paid by the wealthy was far lower than
it should be. The wealthy have more and can thus pay
more, not only in gross amount, but also as a
percentage of their total income.
I asked him what the level should
be. How much of the total taxes collected should
come from, say, the top 1 percent of income earners?
Should it be 10 percent, or 20 percent? What’s the
fair level?
My friend realized I knew what
the number actually was and refused to say what he
thought it should be, only that it was too low.
So how about my readers; what do
you think the top 1 percent should contribute? 10
percent? 20 percent? What’s fair in your view?
Well now that you have the number
in your mind, here’s how it actually plays out.
In 2006, the last year on a
federal level I could find numbers for, the top 1
percent of taxpayers paid a whopping 40 percent of
the total tax collected. The top 5 percent paid 60
percent; the top 10 percent paid 70 percent; the top
25 percent paid 86 percent; and the top 50 percent
paid 97 percent of all personal income taxes
collected. The bottom 50 percent ended up
contributing only 3 percent.
To give some perspective, the top
1 percent earned more than $389,000. The top 5
percent earned more than $154,000. The top 10
percent was at $109,000+, the top 25 percent at
$65,000+ and the top 50 percent at $32,000+.
In New Jersey, the story is much
the same. In 2006, before the McGreevy tax increase,
the top 1.5 percent of taxpayers accounted for 42
percent of the taxes collected. Those earning more
than $250,000, or the top 4 percent, accounted for
54 percent of the taxes collected. Those earning
less than $100,000, nearly 80 percent of the total
returns, paid only 19 percent of the taxes.
Absent the fairness discussion,
it’s easy to see why this isn’t good policy,
especially in a state like New Jersey. The top tax
rate in New Jersey is 6.5 times the lowest. Every
dollar of income decline at the top income level
lowers state revenue by 6.5 times as much as a
dollar lost in the lowest tax bracket.
So what happens when that hotshot
bond trader who works on Wall Street doesn’t get a
bonus this year because the president has capped his
compensation at $500,000 instead of the $2.5 million
he made last year? The state’s tax collections fall
by $180,000 and the federal government loses
$700,000.
This is exactly what we are
seeing, and we can expect a huge hole in New
Jersey’s tax collections for both this fiscal year
and next.
Anyone in business knows that if
you depend on a very few clients for your revenue
you can wake up one day and be out of business. The
alternative is to diversify.
On a tax basis this can be done
by sharing the tax burden more widely, or it can be
done by finding new sources of revenue. You could
also cut expenses, but in government that is the
last thing ever considered.
Unfortunately, I expect New
Jersey to follow the New York example and raise
income taxes on the top earners even more. What
politician would ever discuss a tax increase for the
many when he can discuss it for the few? The tyranny
of the majority is alive and well and as
shortsighted as ever.
James Coyle
President

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Where the Chamber Stands...
Off-Track Legislation
A recent report by the New Jersey
Department of Education showed an alarmingly high
percentage of failing math test scores among the
state’s youth, yet it seems that Congress is most in
need of math tutoring. Many on Capital Hill do not
seem to understand basic math.
Two bills pending in Washington –
the Railroad Competition and Service Improvement Act
and the Railroad Antitrust Enforcement Act – would
introduce greater regulation to the freight rail
industry and threaten to undermine decades of
progress made rebuilding a sector of the economy
that was hemorrhaging in financial losses and
contraction as recently as the 1980s.
For decades the freight rail
industry was suffocating under the weight of
over-regulation that led to unprofitable operations,
insufficient investment in infrastructure and
contraction of the industry.
To halt the industry’s collapse
and get the engines rolling again, Congress in 1980
relaxed regulation through the Staggers Act and the
railroads began rebuilding.
It worked. Today freight
railroads are financially healthy and play an
integral role not only in the nation’s current
economy but also in its future, both economically
and environmentally.
That is why the pending
legislation to introduce greater regulation into the
industry does not add up. Consider these numbers:
• Trains move one ton of freight 436 miles on a
single gallon of fuel.
• Freight trains produce one-third the carbon
footprint of trucks.
•
16 percent of the nation’s freight tonnage moves by
rail. If all freight moved by rail were shifted to
trucks it would add 92 billion truck
vehicle-miles-of-travel to the nation’s highway
system and cost federal, state and local
transportation agencies an additional $64 billion
for highway improvements over the next 20 years,
according to the American Association of State
Highway and Transportation Officials.
• Such a
shift from rail to truck also would cost rail
shippers an additional $69 billion in shipping costs
each year.
Yet ironically is it the shippers
who are driving this legislation. They claim that
the freight railroads are enjoying greater profits –
a claim supported by the Wall Street Journal
– yet also raising their rates at the same time,
resulting in greater operational costs for the
shippers and, ultimately, higher prices for
consumers.
The call for greater regulation
is being led by Consumers United for Rail Equity
(CURE), a coalition of freight rail customers,
including trade association representing the
utility, chemical and manufacturing industries,
among others. Through the pending legislation CURE
is seeking greater competition, a greater ability to
challenge rates and disputes, and amendment to the
freight rail industry’s anti-trust exemptions. What
they really seem to want is lower rates.
The freight rail industry
counters that its activities – including rates –
already are regulated by the federal Surface
Transportation Board and that freight rail customers
are free to ship their products via truck or other
method if they find rail costs to be excessive.
After all, while the movement of freight on the
nation’s rail lines offers limited choice of
carriers along certain routes, there are no
restrictions on the choice of method of shipping.
Which brings the discussion back
to math. For many decades shippers enjoyed
artificially low prices when employing rail to move
their freight. Following deregulation in 1980, the
freight rail industry was able to more properly set
rates and operational policies as it reversed its
track to nowhere. Now that railroads are financially
sound and earning a fair return on their investment
shippers want to return to the unfair arena that can
only come with greater regulation.
If that does not add up, throw
this fact into the calculation: Even with rate
increases that took place in 2008, freight rail
prices actually have declined overall since 1980.
Many Americans believe the
current economic crisis challenging their lives was
the result of Wall Street being left to operate free
of regulation in its pursuit of obscene profits, and
understandably take umbrage with any industry
claiming it will be damaged by increased regulation.
Yet consider this: Trucks ride on
publicly funded roads, barges move in publicly
maintained canals and airlines fly in air space
operated by a national air transportation system.
Freight railroads own and maintain their own tracks
and rights of way. They are independently owned and
invest in the infrastructure required to move the
nation’s goods – there are no $1.4-million bathrooms
in this sector. And the industry rebuilt itself only
after the weight of deregulation was lifted.
Re-regulating the freight rail
industry will introduce a hairpin turn to an
industry that is right on track. With all that needs
to be fixed in the current economic environment, why
derail an industry that is running fine. It does not
add up.
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Because of the dearth of
community programs to care for the developmentally
disabled, parents and family members face a tough
choice: continue to care for their loved ones at
home with few or no state supports or have them
institutionalized.
Many families struggle to provide
care in a home setting, hoping a community
alternative to a state institution will become
available. Though many families want to remain
together or in the community, they desperately need
support services to make this possible.
Today the Community Services
Waiting List for such families has 8,000 names on it
– a number that has doubled in 10 years. For many,
this list is difficult to navigate, a seemingly
endless purgatory.
As time passes, waiting becomes
filled with anxiety, as aging parents wonder what
would happen to their loved ones should they
suddenly die or become incapacitated. It’s a
terrible, terrifying thought that confronts many New
Jerseyans daily.
In New Jersey, we have not
invested enough in community programs to care for
individuals with mental retardation, autism and
other developmental disabilities, because we have
instead focused more on state institutions.
Nationally, we have a higher rate
of institutionalization than every state except
Mississippi and Louisiana. We spend a third of our
developmental disabilities budget to provide care
for only 8 percent of New Jersey’s developmentally
disabled residents – those in institutions.
Alarmingly, the state estimates
that 81 percent of the institutionalized population
would be better served in community programs, yet we
continue to keep these individuals in state
developmental centers. We have committed to waiting
lists and warehousing human life, instead of
aggressively promoting the best level of care for
some of our most fragile citizens.
It’s time to change that by
allowing more for consumer choice-driven care, as
opposed to strict governmental institutional
care. We must drastically reduce the waiting list
and give these men and women the opportunity to
reach their full potential in the community. Working
with advocacy groups, experts and family members, I
have introduced legislation to accomplish these
goals.
My bill will rebalance funding
for the developmentally disabled, creating a more
robust network of community alternatives to
institutionalization. These community programs will
vary, ranging from shared-living residences serving
many individuals to smaller, supervised apartments
where individuals can have greater control of their
lives.
By investing in community care,
this legislation would reduce the waiting list,
ending years of stressful waiting for many families.
Furthermore, this bill will move any
institutionalized individuals who choose community
placement into more beneficial community programs,
consolidating the state’s seven developmental
centers. Such a move will prove more cost-efficient,
cutting capital expenses on obsolete and antiquated
state facilities, while elevating care quality.
This legislation provides
cost-effective alternatives to the current
institutional standard. It costs the state $641 per
person per day to institutionalize a person, while
community programs cost $300 per person per day, on
average. By offering more choices, we will provide a
higher quality of life to the developmentally
disabled in a more fiscally responsible manner.
I realize that community settings
are not for everyone. Some individuals do require
the intense level of care provided by a state
developmental center, and my bill is sensitive to
that fact. My plan will create a broader range of
options for developmentally disabled individuals,
their doctors, and their family members to choose
from, ensuring the availability of both
institutionalization and community placement
alternatives to those who need them.
Those with developmental
disabilities are often a silent population – unable
to speak for themselves. We are morally obligated to
ensure they receive the best care possible.
By investing more in community
programs, New Jersey will give developmentally
disabled individuals a higher quality of life and
the opportunity to be more independent and thrive in
the community. Equally as important, we will put to
rest the fears of family members who go through each
day wondering if their loved ones will receive
quality care should tragedy suddenly strike.
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